22
most earnestly entreat all women not to express an opinion upon it until they have mastered the cardinal facts of the situation. It is a matter which touches national and domestic life at its very quick. The example of France in regard to these matters is sometimes quoted as if it were one which encouraged us to follow on the path which has been pursued in that country for nearly 100 years. To my mind the example of France is one which should serve for warning rather than for encouragement. If we look at modern French art, whether the drama, fiction, or painting, we cannot but observe a tone of what Matthew Arnold called "lubricity" in it, that makes French art, notwithstanding its high technical merits, too often degrading rather than elevating in its general influence.
Alarmist statements are made by the advocates of the legislation which we are opposing in regard to the evil influence of venereal disease on the general health of the population. It is no doubt perfectly true that the disease in question is a fruitful source of many other physical ills, and many maladies are now attributed to its influence which at one time were looked upon as entirely dissociated with it. But if the C. D. Acts were an effective means of coping with it, France, which has had the system not merely for military centres, but throughout the whole population for nearly 100 years, ought to compare favourably with England, which during the same period had the system in force in a few limited areas only for about eighteen or twenty years. But we know that the reverse is the case. The death rate in France varies about a mean of nearly 24 per 1,000; the death rate in England in 1894 (the lowest yet recorded) was only 16.6 per 1,000, and the mean over a series of ten years is much lower than the death rate of France. With regard to the birth rate, the English statistics again compare favourably with those of France: in England the birth-rate varies about a mean of 29 or 30 per 1,000. In France it is only a little over 22 per 1,000; and is thus actually lower than the death rate; so that the population of France is declining, except for immigration. And yet the advocates of legislation on the lines of the C. D. Acts never tire of extolling for our emulation the example of France!
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A mistake that is sometimes made is to mix up two things that are entirely distinct: control of the streets and the C. D. Acts. The first of these two has nothing whatever to do with the second. I would heartily support any well thought out plan of dealing with the outrage on decency presented by Piccadilly in the late hours of the evening and small hours of the morning. I believe that the powers possessed and exercised by the University authorities for the control of the streets are absolutely necessary, and that they are beneficial in their influence. To punish vice by harrying the vicious of both sexes is the principle of the provisions for maintaining order in the streets.
To render provisions for maintaining order in the streets safe for vicious men by compulsory examination and detention of vicious women is the principle of the C. D. Acts.
In some of its aspects this is particularly a woman's question because of its influence on character and through character on the home. I therefore make no apology for bringing it before the General Committee of this Association. But from another and a truer point of view it is not a woman's question, but a national question; to go right in these matters is of the most vital national importance. To go right means that men should be true men, and women true women; and though of course there will always be some lapses and failures, do not let us throw ourselves on the side of those who believe that prostitution is necessary, and that it is impossible for the British soldier to be anything but a brute. We know that he is capable of magnificent physical courage, and this encourages us to
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:
22
most earnestly entreat all women not to express an opinion upon it until they have mastered the cardinal facts of the situation. It is a matter which touches national and domestic life at its very quick. The example of France in regard to these matters is sometimes quoted as if it were one which encouraged us to follow on the path which has been pursued in that country for nearly 100 years. To my mind the example of France is one which should serve for warning rather than for encouragement. If we look at modern French art, whether the drama, fiction, or painting, we cannot but observe a tone of what Matthew Arnold called "lubricity" in it, that makes French art, notwith- standing its high technical merits, too often degrading rather than elevating in its general influence.
tion.
Alarmist statements are made by the advocates of the legislation which we are opposing in regard to the evil influ- ence of venereal disease on the general bealth of the popula- It is no doubt perfectly true that the disease in question is a fruitful source of many other physical ills, and many maladies are now attributed to its influence which at one time were looked upon as entirely dissociated with it. But if the C. D. Acts were an effective means of coping with it, France, which has had the system not merely for military centres, but throughout the whole population for nearly 100 years, ought to compare favourably with England, which during the same period had the system in force in a few limited areas only for about eighteen or twenty years. But we know that the reverse is the case. The death rate in France varies about a mean of nearly 24 per 1,000; the death rate in England in 1894 (the lowest yet recorded) was only 16.6 per 1,000, and the mean over a series of ten years is much lower than the death rate of France. With regard to the birth rate, the English statistics again compare favourably with those of France: io England the birth-rate varies about a mean of 29 or 30
23
per 1,000. In France it is only a little over 22 per 1,000; and is thus actually lower than the death rate; so that the population of France is declining, except for immigration. And yet the advocates of legislation on the lines of the C. D. Acts never tire of extolling for our emu- lation the example of France!
A mistake that is sometimes made is to mix up two things that are entirely distinct. control of the streets and the C. D. Acts. The first of these two has nothing whatever to do with the second. I would heartily support any well thought out plan of dealing with the outrage on decency presented by Piccadilly in the late hours of the evening and small hours of the morning. I believe that the powers possessed and exercised by the University authorities for the control of the streets are absolutely necessary, and that they ate beneficial in their influence. To punish vice by harrying the vicious of both sexes is the principle of the To render provisions for maintaining order in the streets.
vice safe for vicious men by compulsory examination and detention of vicious women is the principle of the C. D. Acts.
In some of its aspects this is particularly a woman's question because of its influence on character and through character on the bome. I therefore make no apology for bringing it before the General Committee of this Associa- tion. But from another and a truer point of view it is not a woman's question, but a national question; to go right in these matters is of the most vital national importance. To go right means that men should be true men, and women true women; and though of course there will always be some lapses and failures, do not let us throw ourselves on the side of those who believe that prostitution is neces- sary, and that it is impossible for the British soldier to be anything but a brute. We know that he is capable of magnificent physical courage, and this encourages us to
145
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